THE HISTORY OF THE NOTSIE WALL (AGBOGBO): THE GREAT SYMBOL OF EWE RESISTANCE AND FREEDOM

Among the many stories that define the identity of the Ewe people, none is more powerful, emotional, and enduring than the story of the great Notsie Wall, popularly known as Agbogbo. For generations, this story has been passed down through oral tradition from elders to the youth, preserving the memory of a people's struggle against oppression and their determination to secure freedom for future generations.

Notsie, located in present-day Togo, occupies a special place in Ewe history. It is remembered as the last major settlement of the Ewe ancestors before their dispersal into various parts of modern-day Ghana, Togo, and Benin. To many Ewes, Notsie is not merely a town; it is the cradle of their collective identity and heritage.

The Agbogbo Wall of Notsie is an ancient earthen wall located in the village of Notsie in Togo. The wall was built by the Ewe people, an ethnic group of the Volta Region of Togo, in the late 18th century. The wall was built to protect the village from invaders, and is considered a symbol of Ewe identity and heritage.

The Agbogbo Wall is an impressive structure, stretching more than two miles in length and six feet in height. The wall is composed of mud and clay bricks, and is held together with a mixture of mud and water. The wall is believed to have been constructed by slaves from a nearby kingdom, as well as local villagers.

The Agbogbo Wall serves as a reminder of the Ewe people’s strength and resilience. It is thought to have been a symbol of protection for the Ewe people, who faced frequent invasions by neighboring kingdoms. It is also believed to have been a place of refuge for slaves, who were often taken into captivity and had no other place to go.

The Agbogbo Wall is an important part of Ewe culture, and is a reminder of the struggles and triumphs of the Ewe people. The wall is a symbol of Ewe identity and heritage, and is a reminder of the strength and resilience that have defined the Ewe people for centuries.

According to oral tradition, the Ewe ancestors settled in Notsie after a long migration that had taken them through several regions of West Africa. There, they established a thriving community characterized by trade, farming, craftsmanship, and strong social organization.

The early rulers of Notsie are often described as wise leaders who promoted peace and prosperity. Under their leadership, the town grew in population and influence, attracting people from surrounding communities.

However, the fortunes of Notsie changed dramatically during the reign of the infamous ruler known as Togbui Agorkoli, also called Agokoli. In Ewe oral history, Agorkoli is remembered as a cruel and oppressive king whose harsh policies brought suffering to his subjects.

Traditional narratives describe Agorkoli as a ruler who imposed severe punishments for minor offenses. Fear spread throughout the kingdom, and many people felt trapped under his rule.

It was during this difficult period that the great wall known as Agbogbo became central to the story of Notsie. Oral tradition states that Agorkoli ordered the construction of a massive wall around the settlement.

The wall was intended to enclose the people and strengthen the king's control over them. It also served as a symbol of his authority and power.

The construction of Agbogbo required enormous labor. Men, women, and youth were compelled to contribute to the building project, often under difficult conditions.

Many traditional accounts describe the wall as being extraordinarily thick and extensive. Historical and archaeological studies indicate that the enclosure stretched for many kilometers around Notsie.

Among the Ewe people, stories about the wall are often accompanied by accounts of the suffering endured during its construction. These stories have survived because they symbolize the hardships faced by their ancestors.

As Agorkoli's oppression intensified, the people began seeking ways to escape. Yet the massive Agbogbo wall made escape extremely difficult.

The elders and wise men of the community reportedly held secret meetings to discuss how freedom could be achieved. Open rebellion was considered dangerous because of the king's power and surveillance.

Eventually, according to oral tradition, a clever strategy was devised. The women of Notsie were instructed to pour household wastewater repeatedly on a particular section of the wall.

Night after night, they secretly carried out this task. The constant moisture gradually weakened the mud structure.

For many months, the women continued this silent act of resistance. Their role in the story highlights the importance of women in preserving and protecting Ewe society.

When the chosen section became sufficiently weak, plans for a mass escape were finalized. The people prepared themselves for a daring journey into the unknown.

One night, under the cover of darkness, the weakened section of the wall was breached. Through that opening, groups of Ewe families escaped from Notsie.

Some oral traditions also mention the use of sacred powers and spiritual guidance during the escape. Elders prayed to the ancestors and sought divine protection for the people.

The successful breach of Agbogbo became one of the most celebrated moments in Ewe history. It marked the triumph of unity, wisdom, and resilience over oppression.

After leaving Notsie, the Ewe groups dispersed in different directions. Some settled along the coast, while others moved inland and established communities that later became major traditional states.

These migrating groups eventually gave rise to many of the Ewe communities known today, including the Anlo, Asogli, Peki, Ho, Tongu, Agave, Keta, and numerous others across Ghana, Togo, and Benin.

Although centuries have passed, the memory of Agbogbo remains alive in Ewe consciousness. The wall is remembered not merely as a physical structure but as a symbol of suffering, courage, resistance, and liberation.

Today, remnants of the historic wall can still be found around Notsie. These remains serve as tangible reminders of one of the most significant events in Ewe history.

The story of the wall is commemorated through the Agbogbo-Za Festival, during which Ewes from different parts of the world gather to celebrate their common ancestry and remember the historic exodus from Notsie.

For younger generations, the story of Agbogbo teaches important lessons about unity, determination, wisdom, and the value of freedom. It reminds us that even in times of great hardship, people can overcome challenges through cooperation and courage.

The History of the Notsie Wall is therefore much more than an ancient tale. It is a living heritage that continues to inspire Ewes everywhere. The wall may have once been built to confine a people, but today it stands as a powerful monument to their resilience, their identity, and their unbreakable desire for freedom.

What lessons do you think modern generations can learn from the story of Agbogbo and the Exodus from Notsie? Share your thoughts in the comments and let's celebrate our rich Ewe heritage together.

Credit: The Heritage Chronicle Africa 

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HISTORY OR HIDDEN TRUTH? WAS OKOMFO ANOKYE AN EWE TOGBUI?

Okomfo Anokye

What if one of the greatest spiritual figures in Ghanaian history had deep Ewe roots?

According to some oral traditions, Okomfo Anokye was an Ewe Togbi and the twin brother of Togbi Tsali, a claim that continues to spark intense debate among historians, traditional authorities, and cultural enthusiasts.

Okomfo Anokye remains one of the most influential figures in the formation of the Ashanti Kingdom. He is remembered for his extraordinary spiritual abilities, wisdom, and his close partnership with King Osei Tutu I.

However, various oral accounts across Ghana tell different stories about his ancestry. Some traditions suggest he had Ewe origins, while other historical accounts firmly associate him with the Ashanti Kingdom.

Tsali and Tsala (alias Okomfo kye) were twin brothers. Their father was Togbui Akplormada. These brothers were mysteriously endowed with potent spiritual powers.

Tsala, who later became known as Okomfo Anokye, left Notsie on his sojourn at a youthful age, and finally settled at Awukugua in present day Eastern Region. Because of his spiritual powers, he became known as Okomfo Notsie (in Ewe language, Notsie Hunor) or Notsie priest.

In Anlo oral history, we learnt Tsala (Okomfo Anokye) returned to Notsie around 1695 to consult with his brother Tsali before accepting the invitation of King Osei Tutu of Ashanti to help establish his kingdom (Ashanti Kingdom).

During the reign of King Opoku Ware, a war broke out around 1746, Tsala (Okomfo Anokye) sought permission from the king to visit his twin brother Tsali at Keteklebi (Fiaxor) to celebrate and fortify himself at the annual Dzawuwu celebration of Mama Adexe shrine before leading the Ashantis to the war which he won decisively for the Ashanti kingdom.”

Is it any wonder that we currently have Anloga in Kumasi? Is this not a testimony to the bonds of cooperation that must be maintained? Any call to the cessation of this cooperation must be considered as misplaced, in error and of no consequence.

An Anlo Chief in 1900

Our oral Ewe history informs us that “Komfo Anortsie” was a Dogbo Nyigbo man called Amega Atsu Tsala Akpormada who used to live in Nortsie (a well established settlement in the 1450s). Amega Atsu Tsala (aka Okomfo Anokye) and Amega Tse Tsali (of Nortsie and Tsiame fame) are the twin sons of Amega Detor Akplormada (‘the thrown spear”), whose father was Amega Tsamla, son of Mama Kegbleape, one of the two daughters of Amega Gemedra of Nortsie, son of Amega Kugborka Gbe of Ketu, who was the son of Amega Kodisenu, the son of Amega Dzoboku. Amega Doe Dallah (father of Amega Anya, the founder of Anyako) was born after Atsu Tsala and Tse Tsali.

Amega Atsu Tsala and Amega Tse Tsali had other siblings. Amega Gemedra’s other children include Mama Kokui Doe Kutua Asongoe (Torgbi Sri I’s mother), Amega Atsu Madokpui Wenya (Dogbo leader and founder of Laofe Clan), Amega Tse Adedze Nyaki (Founder of Amlade Clan), and Amega Awaga Dotse Kpotsui (father of Bate Clan founders).

Togbui Nyaho Tamakloe I

Just like Amega Kli (son of Torgbi Ekpe), Amega Aga (grandson of Tsamla) and his father Amega Detor Akplormada, Atsu Tsala (Okomfo Anokye) did not migrate with the Dogboawo to the present day Anlo (established around the 1650s). He (Tsala aka Okomfo Anokye), Kli, Aga and others left Nortsie prior to the group migration. Amega Kli was the one who volunteered as a friend to help Amega Aga to escape from King Ago Akorli’s wrath after the “ame makumaku pe hlor biabia” episode in Nortsie. Amega Kli subsequently founded present day Klikor settlement and Amega Aga established Agavedzi and subsequently, Agave. Two of the reasons why Amega Atsu Tsala left Nortsie prior to the group migration include his dissatisfaction with and subsequent protest to the Dogbo elders about how the “ame makumaku pe hlor biabia” and the “installation of Kponoe as Fia over Dogboawo under a Tado stool” issues were handled at the time.

Togbi Sri II

One day in a fit of anger, Tsali … challenged his father to a public display of supernatural powers (amlimatsitsi). In response to this challenge, the father (Akplormada), removed his own intestines, washed them in a herbal preparation and dried them to give more years of life to himself. Tsali turned into a hawk and carried his father’s intestines away into space. Tsali searched in vain for the tallest tree on which to settle and swallow the intestines of his father. But Akplormada [had] commanded all the trees in the vicinity to be dwarfed. [He then] turned himself into the tallest tree upon which Tsali came to settle. Before Tsali could swallow his father’s intestines, Akplormada reached out his hands and Tsali dropped the intestines right into his father’s unseen palms.

Akplormada [then] ridiculed his son with the words: You know how to turn into a hawk as I had taught you, but you don’t know how to turn into a silk-cotton tree.” Unquote.

Tsala/Okomfo Anokye Stone Oware

[At one time] the whole of Tongu met and decided to drown Tsali. Tsali before his arrest had gathered all his personal effects into a haversack and slung it over his shoulder. At the meeting, he was tied hands and feet … with a great weight of granite rocks hung over his neck and fastened to his back. Looking like a monster, Tsali was drowned in the … Volta [River]. The villagers saw him sink, but on the third day, Tsali was seen by fishermen as he moved on the waters floating on the back of a crocodile he had commanded to come to his rescue. Floating adrift on the crocodile’s back, Tsali held aloft all the granite rocks in his hands and was shouting “Vinowo, mikpo vida: parents behold your child”. There was great consternation in the village: the fishermen abandoned their canoes and ran for dear life. The women yelled and screamed, calling on the whole village to come and see. Tsali [then] decided to leave Tongu for good.”

Togbi Tsala/Okomfo Anokye Golden Stool for Asanteman

The granite rock attached on the back of Tsali to drown him still exists and a shrine is built around it on the beach at Konu in Anyako where he dropped the rock. We call it Tsalikpe. The clearing in the Kleve Forest where no plant ever grows to this day was claimed to be the spot where Tsali sat on the ground to explain to his father the problems he encountered on that expedition. These events probably predated their migration from the Kleve Forest to Tsiame.

As pointed out by Kofi Ellison, it is true that the twin brothers, Atsu Tsala (aka Okomfo Anokye) and Tse Tsali did not die natural deaths. They just disappeared and to this day, nobody is able to tell where they went .

Share your views respectfully in the comments.

Let's preserve history, question narratives, and celebrate Africa's rich heritage together.

Credit: The Heritage Chronicle Africa 

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THE DAY RAWLINGS' TRUSTED ALLY BECAME THE STATE'S TARGET: THE DRAMATIC ARREST OF MAJOR COURAGE QUASHIGAH

One of the most dramatic moments in Ghana’s political history happened in September 1989, when the late Major Courage Quashigah, once a trusted ally of Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings, was suddenly arrested by the very military government he had helped defend years earlier.

At the time, Ghana was under the rule of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) led by Rawlings. Ironically, Quashigah had built his reputation as one of Rawlings’ fiercest loyalists, especially after his heroic role in crushing the bloody June 19, 1983 coup attempt, where he reportedly led military officers to recapture the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) and save the government from collapse.

However, behind the scenes, tensions had reportedly started growing between the two men. Quashigah’s growing popularity among junior soldiers and ordinary citizens allegedly made some powerful figures within the PNDC uncomfortable. His increasing support for constitutional democracy and civilian rule also reportedly placed him at odds with the direction of the military regime.

Major Courage Quashigah

According to later accounts, Quashigah claimed there had been earlier attempts to frame him. In one shocking allegation, he said state officials once gave him wooden carvings as gifts for an official trip to Canada, allegedly hiding illegal drugs in one of them to get him arrested abroad. By chance, the specific carving was reportedly left behind in Ghana.

Then came the dramatic turn.

Between September 24 and 26, 1989, military intelligence officers moved swiftly against Quashigah. He was arrested together with several other officers, including Flight Lieutenant William Kofi Domie, Squadron Leader Edward Akakpo, Abdulai Yusif Mohamed, and Kwabena Donkor.

The PNDC government accused them of engaging in activities that threatened national security. According to state allegations, they were involved in a plot to assassinate Rawlings and overthrow the military government. Yet, despite the seriousness of the accusations, the state never publicly presented strong evidence or proceeded with a formal criminal trial.

Following his arrest, Quashigah was reportedly detained under harsh conditions by the Bureau of National Investigations (BNI). He was allegedly placed in solitary confinement, denied access to family members, lawyers, and independent medical care for long periods.

While he remained in detention, state-controlled media reportedly launched what many critics later described as a “media trial.” Newspapers allegedly published stories portraying him as guilty, including claims that he had attempted to escape custody and later pleaded for mercy reports strongly denied by his supporters.

The most disturbing chapter of the saga came with the death of one of his co-accused, Flight Lieutenant William Kofi Domie.

In November 1989, authorities announced that Domie had allegedly died by suicide inside detention. But when his body was released, disturbing claims emerged. Family members and human rights groups reportedly questioned the official explanation, alleging signs of severe physical injuries and torture. The controversy deepened fears that Quashigah himself might also be in danger.

Yet after more than two years in detention, something surprising happened: Major Quashigah was never formally charged or taken to court.

As Ghana prepared to return to multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, the PNDC quietly released him. His military career, however, had effectively ended. He was discharged from the armed forces and forced into civilian life.

But Quashigah was far from finished.

Rather than disappear from public life, he entered politics and eventually joined the New Patriotic Party (NPP), becoming one of its most influential organizers.

In a twist of history, the man once trusted by Rawlings later became a key figure in defeating Rawlings’ political tradition at the ballot box.

Major Courage Quashigah's story is more than politics; it is a lesson about power, loyalty, trust and survival during one of Ghana's most turbulent periods.

Did Ghana ever get the full truth about the events surrounding his arrest?

💬 Tell us in the comments.

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BORBORBOR: The Dance That Carries the Soul of Eweland

Borborbor, also known as bɔbɔɔbɔ, is a vibrant recreational dance and drumming genre performed by the Ewe people, primarily in the Volta Region of Ghana and southern Togo.

Originating in the mid-20th century in what was then British and French Togoland, it evolved from traditional Ewe forms such as tuidzi and akpese, rapidly incorporating European brass instruments like the trumpet and bugle to create a distinctive sound influenced by Ghanaian highlife music. This dance-drumming idiom, particularly the Norvinyo variant from Kpando among the Ewedome subgroup, serves as a social and celebratory expression that merges indigenous rhythms with Christian themes and modern Ewe identity, resonating widely among youth in contemporary Ghanaian society.

The term Borborbor, orthographically rendered in Ewe as bɔbɔɔbɔ (pronounced with a repetitive "boh-boh-boh" cadence), originates from the Ewe language spoken by the Ewe people of southeastern Ghana and southern Togo. This name is onomatopoeic, evoking the echoing and repetitive sounds inherent to the dance's communal performance, such as layered vocal calls and percussive motifs that symbolize unity and vitality in Ewe expressive culture.

Historically, the name emerged in the early 1950s in Kpando, Ghana, coined by Francis Kɔdzo Nuatrɔ, a retired police sergeant who founded the first ensemble, drawing from Ewe oral accounts of adapting urban highlife influences into local forms. These oral traditions emphasize phonetic repetition as a linguistic device in Ewe naming practices, mirroring the dance's essence of rhythmic cohesion and social bonding without direct ties to pre-colonial myths. Alternative designations include Akpese, its original name in some Ewe communities, denoting a precursor style, while it remains distinct from related dances like Agbadza.

Borborbor emerged in the early 1950s among the Ewe people in Kpando, located in the Volta Region of what was then British Togoland (present-day Ghana), as a neo-traditional dance form blending rural Ewe rhythms with urban highlife influences introduced during the colonial period. This development was spearheaded by Francis Kɔdzo Nuatrɔ, a retired police sergeant who formed the Kpando Konkoma group, incorporating European brass instruments like the bugle alongside traditional Ewe drums such as the pati (tom-tom) and ʋugã (master drum) to create a new ensemble style. The dance's rhythms drew from earlier local adaptations of colonial-era military brass bands, which had been domesticated by native musicians since the late 19th century through garrisons, police bands, and mission ensembles in the Gold Coast. Key events in Borborbor's establishment reflect the transition from colonial military signaling patterns to recreational and social functions, influenced by the broader socio-cultural shifts in Ewe communities during the mid-20th century push toward Ghanaian independence.

Initially performed by local troupes for community gatherings, it evolved by the 1960s into a prominent feature at Ewe funerals and festivals, where competitive bands showcased original compositions, choreography, and brass-led interludes to foster unity and youth engagement. While direct wartime functions are not documented for Borborbor itself, its instrumentation and structures were shaped by lingering colonial military legacies, including bugle calls adapted from British administrative practices rather than immediate post-World War II shifts. No verified records of performances date to the 1920s or 1930s, as the form's formalization postdates these periods. Documentation of Borborbor's early history relies on ethnographic accounts and oral traditions preserved within Ewe communities, with scholarly analyses tracing its roots to Nuatrɔ's innovations in Kpando. From its Volta Region origins, the dance spread rapidly to neighboring Ewe areas like Hohoe and Ho in Ghana, and across the border to Togo via migration and cultural exchange, forming bands such as Agbeyeye and Nɔvisi to promote social cohesion. By the late 20th century, it had become a symbol of Ewe identity while adapting to broader Ghanaian and Togolese contexts, including church integrations and national events.

Borborbor evolved from traditional socio-recreational Ewe dances such as akpese and tuidzi, which were popular among communities in the Volta Region and incorporated elements of urban highlife music. These predecessor forms, rooted in everyday social expressions rather than militaristic traditions, featured rhythmic drumming, singing, and group movements that emphasized community participation and joy. Following the cessation of major intertribal wars in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Borborbor built on akpese's structure originally performed in Kpando communities to create a more inclusive and vibrant dance. Key changes included the adoption of circular patterns that encouraged participation by men, women, and youth, fostering social bonding and celebration. In the early 20th century, these evolutions incorporated improvisational elements drawn from highlife influences, transforming the recreational style into a modern expression of Ewe culture.

Many older Ewes recall that Borborbor was originally a social gathering activity. At the end of the day, men, women and children assembled in open spaces to sing, dance and celebrate life together. The dance helped strengthen social bonds within communities.

Unlike war dances, Borborbor is a dance of happiness and inclusion. It welcomes everyone regardless of age, social status, occupation or religion. This openness partly explains why it remains popular today.

Borborbor is famous for its graceful yet energetic waist movements. The dance requires coordination between the feet, hips, shoulders and hands. Women especially showcase remarkable agility and elegance while performing synchronized movements.

The dancers usually perform in rows or semi-circular formations. They move rhythmically forward and backward while responding to drum patterns and lead songs.

Colourful attire is an important feature of Borborbor. Women often wear beautiful cloths and carry white handkerchiefs that accentuate their movements. Men may wear traditional cloths or matching cultural outfits depending on the occasion.

Music is the heartbeat of Borborbor. Traditional drums, bells, rattles, handclaps and vocal responses combine to create an atmosphere that encourages participation.

One of the most important aspects of Borborbor is call-and-response singing. A lead singer delivers a line while the entire group responds in unison.

The songs often carry messages about morality, love, hard work, leadership, family values and current social issues.

Borborbor is performed at numerous social occasions including weddings, funerals, festivals, naming ceremonies, anniversaries and chieftaincy events.

At funerals, Borborbor serves a special purpose. Instead of dwelling solely on grief, the dance celebrates the life of the deceased and strengthens communal support among mourners.

At festivals, Borborbor showcases the pride and unity of the community. Chiefs, elders and visitors often witness spectacular performances.

The dance has become an important educational tool. Schools and cultural groups across Ghana teach Borborbor to preserve indigenous heritage.

Researchers consider Borborbor one of the cultural treasures that bridge traditional African music with contemporary influences. Modern ensembles sometimes incorporate trumpets and brass instruments into performances.

Today, Borborbor is no longer confined to the Volta Region. It is performed nationally and internationally at cultural festivals and Ghanaian diaspora events.

Despite modernization, Borborbor continues to thrive because communities deliberately pass it from one generation to another.

For the Ewe people, Borborbor is more than a dance. It is a language without words.

It tells stories of migration, perseverance, togetherness and joy.

It reminds younger generations that culture is not something to be stored in museums but something to be lived every day.

Borborbor is one of the most popular Ewe dances performed in both Ghana and Togo.

It is especially associated with communities in central and northern Eweland.

It evolved from older Ewe dance traditions and later absorbed Highlife and brass band influences.

Women are often the most visually prominent performers due to the dance's signature waist movements.

Every drumbeat tells a story. Every movement celebrates life. Borborbor is not just a dance; it is the heartbeat of the Ewe people and a symbol of unity that has survived generations.

Our culture is our identity. Let us preserve it, celebrate it and pass it on.

Tell us in the comments.

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 Credit: The Heritage Chronicle Africa 

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Is it true Jesus was born 25th December?

There is no historical evidence to suggest that Jesus was born on December 25th. The date was chosen by the early Christian Church as a way to Christianize the traditional Roman winter solstice celebrations, which took place around the same time.

In the early 4th century, the Roman Emperor Constantine declared December 25th to be the official date of the birth of Jesus, and this date eventually became widely accepted by the Christian church.

However, the Bible does not give a specific date for Jesus' birth. The Gospel of Luke mentions that Jesus was born during the time of a Roman census, which was conducted by governor Quirinius in the years 6-7 AD. However, this does not necessarily mean that Jesus was born in the year 6 or 7 AD, as the biblical accounts of Jesus' birth do not provide a precise timeline.

Overall, the exact date of Jesus' birth is not known and is not considered to be an important aspect of the Christian faith. The celebration of Christmas on December 25th is more of a cultural tradition than a religious observance.

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Ewe people are not Ayigbe.

 

Ewes are not Ayigbe

We are not Ayigbe.

Ewes are not Ayigbe; rather, Ayigbes are Ga people who moved to Togo as a result of a tribal conflict known as the "Ayawaso war" between the Ga and the Akuamu.

 Although they now reside in Togo, they still use Ga names like Ayi, Ayitey, etc., and speak Togo ewe.

 When asked to return after the conflict, they refused, leading to the term "ayi-gbe," meaning Ayi who was their leader at that time refused to come back.

CREDIT: Kobby Mawuli, Ketavibes

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Here Are Some Body Signs That Your Liver Is Gradually Failing

 

The liver is one of the most important organs in the human body and requires constant attention because any damage can result in death.

However, knowing the symptoms of liver failure is critical in order to avoid further complications.

According to Medical Practitioners, the body signs listed below indicate that your liver is gradually failing.

1. Itchy skin is one of the symptoms you will notice if your liver is gradually failing.

This occurs when certain toxins leave your body through your skin because your liver is unable to remove them, causing skin irritation.

2. Consistent tiredness or fatigue is another sign that your liver is failing.

The liver is one of the most essential organs in the human body and requires adequate attention always because any harm, might lead to the death of the victim. However, it is essential to know the signs of liver failure, so you can save yourself from bigger harm. As sourced from MedicalNewsToday, below are body signs you will notice when your liver is gradually failing. 1. One of the signs you will notice when your liver is gradually failing is regular or persistent itchy skin. This happens when certain toxins leave your body through your skin when your liver is failing to remove them, which results in skin irritation. 2. Regular tiredness or fatigue is another sign your will notice when your liver is failing because your energy level will become low. So if you always feel tired without any stress, then check your liver state because this is also among the signs of an unhealthy liver. 3. Another sign of unhealthy liver is swollen legs and ankles as well, and this happens when the liver is unable to create enough albumin when it’s not functioning well. 4. Lastly, you may experience jaundice which mostly happens to your skin and eyes, as they will turn yellow because your blood has an excessive amount of bilirubin because your liver is unable to remove them. Conclusion: Note the above signs, and seek quick medical attention when you notice any.

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Why You Need A WHY Statement: 6 Reasons

 6 Reasons Why You Need A WHY Statement

Most people do not know what their true calling in life is. Some people just don’t care about this and are happy to be a drifter in life and just “go with the flow”. Others do care about it but have problems with identifying their real purpose in life. So here will show you 6 reasons why you absolutely must create a WHY statement.

1. It will provide clarity about what your purpose in life is.

If you don’t know your true life’s purpose then you will end up doing things that you really don’t want to do. There are so many people working jobs that they hate just to pay the bills. They dread Monday mornings and always feel apprehensive on Sunday nights. This is no way to live your life.

When you know what your true purpose is in life you can take action to achieve this. You will have more confidence and can get a job that will align with your purpose. You will have more energy and be motivated every day.

2. A WHY Statement Sharpens your Focus

Without the right focus in your life, it is easy to set goals that you are not truly committed to. A lot of people follow their friends and other influencers in their life and end up setting the same goals as them. We are all different and this rarely works out well.

When you identify what you really want your life to be about this clarity helps you to work out your next moves a lot more easily. You can use your WHY statement to drive you forward each day and achieve what you really want from your life.

3. You will make the Right Decisions

Have you ever made wrong decisions in your life? Of course, you have we have all done that. When you have a strong and compelling WHY statement it will help you to make much better decisions in life.

A lot of decisions have serious consequences and if you don’t know your true purpose then you can dismiss these consequences in exchange for short-term pleasure or gain. With a good WHY statement you will assess the long-term consequences and be able to make better decisions.

4. It Provides More Accountability

People that have no purpose in life tend to shy away from accountability. They are just happy to drift along but then complain bitterly when things go against them. It is never their fault of course and always someone else’s.

With a powerful WHY statement, you will know where you are going in life and be accountable for this. You will think things through more and only take action where it aligns with your WHY statement. This additional accountability will make you a better person.

5. You will be Healthier and Happier

If you only want to consider one of these reasons to have a compelling WHY statement then this is the one to choose. There is nothing more important than your health and your happiness. When you are happy then you tend to be healthier. If you are unhappy then your resistance is down and you can experience all kinds of health issues.

6. Your Resilience will Increase

Everyone has to face problems in their life. For some people, these problems are too difficult to handle and they become overwhelmed and stressed out. When you have a compelling WHY statement you can see these problems as opportunities for you to grow and attain fulfilment in your life.

 

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